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Crack HOT! Cocaine Use Statistics On 2013
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Results: The majority of participants were: male, with less than high school education, unstably housed (Rio only); gained income from legal or illegal work; arrested by police in past year (Salvador only); had numerous daily crack use episodes and shared paraphernalia (Salvador only); co-used alcohol, tobacco, cannabis and cocaine; had no injection history; rated physical and mental health as 'fair' or lower (Salvador only); had unprotected sex; were never HIV tested; were not HIV, HBV or HCV positive; and did not use existing social or health services, but desired access to crack user specific services.
Background: As of May 2017, the United States federal government renewed its prioritization for the enforcement of mandatory minimum sentences for illicit drug offenses. While the effect of such policies on racial disparities in incarceration is well-documented, less is known about the extent to which these laws are associated with decreased drug use. This study aims to identify changes in cocaine use associated with mandatory minimum sentencing policies by examining differential sentences for powder and crack cocaine set by the Anti-Drug Abuse Act (ADAA) (100:1) and the Fair Sentencing Act (FSA), which reduced the disparate sentencing to 18:1.
Methods: Using data from National Survey on Drug Use and Health, we examined past-year cocaine use before and after implementation of the ADAA (1985-1990, N = 21,296) and FSA (2009-2013, N = 130,574). We used weighted logistic regressions and Z-tests across models to identify differential change in use between crack and powder cocaine. Prescription drug misuse, or use outside prescribed indication or dose, was modeled as a negative control to identify underlying drug trends not related to sentencing policies.
Results: Despite harsher ADAA penalties for crack compared to powder cocaine, there was no decrease in crack use following implementation of sentencing policies (odds ratio (OR): 0.72, p = 0.13), although both powder cocaine use and misuse of prescription drugs (the negative control) decreased (OR: 0.59, p < 0.01; OR: 0.42, p < 0.01 respectively). Furthermore, there was no change in crack use following the FSA, but powder cocaine use decreased, despite no changes to powder cocaine sentences (OR: 0.81, p = 0.02), suggesting that drug use is driven by factors not associated with sentencing policy.
Conclusions: Despite harsher penalties for crack versus powder cocaine, crack use declined less than powder cocaine and even less than drugs not included in sentencing policies. These findings suggest that mandatory minimum sentencing may not be an effective method of deterring cocaine use.
Specifically, they examined demographic and economic correlations of cocaine use, then compared and contrasted correlates of powder versus crack cocaine as well as use of both forms while controlling for a range of variables.
This paper estimates that around 5,000 to 8,000 individuals may have started using opiates and, or crack-cocaine in 2013, which is down by about a fifth compared with 2005 and down hugely since the 1980s and 1990s when there was a large surge in new users of opiates and, or crack-cocaine (OCUs).
In 2013, cocaine accounted for almost 6 percent of all admissions to drug abuse treatment programs. The majority of individuals (68 percent in 2013) who seek treatment for cocaine use smoke crack and are likely to be polydrug users, meaning they use more than one substance.36 Those who provide treatment for cocaine use should recognize that drug addiction is a complex disease involving changes in the brain as well as a wide range of social, familial, and other environmental factors; therefore, treatment of cocaine addiction must address this broad context as well as any other co-occurring mental disorders that require additional behavioral or pharmacological interventions.
As of May 2017, the United States federal government renewed its prioritization for the enforcement of mandatory minimum sentences for illicit drug offenses. While the effect of such policies on racial disparities in incarceration is well-documented, less is known about the extent to which these laws are associated with decreased drug use. This study aims to identify changes in cocaine use associated with mandatory minimum sentencing policies by examining differential sentences for powder and crack cocaine set by the Anti-Drug Abuse Act (ADAA) (100:1) and the Fair Sentencing Act (FSA), which reduced the disparate sentencing to 18:1.
Despite harsher penalties for crack versus powder cocaine, crack use declined less than powder cocaine and even less than drugs not included in sentencing policies. These findings suggest that mandatory minimum sentencing may not be an effective method of deterring cocaine use.
In the early 1980s, cocaine grew in popularity in the US, with 1.6 million new users between 1982 and 1985, and a four-fold increase in cocaine-related emergency department visits between 1985 and 1988 [8, 9]. Public concern about cocaine and the emerging derivative crack (or base) cocaine (a less costly form of the drug that is smoked as opposed to inhaled) reached hysteria levels, with more than 1000 stories reported in various national newspapers and magazines in the months before the 1986 election [10]. Despite lack of scientific evidence, crack cocaine, in particular, was seen as a highly addictive drug that led to unpredictable, often violent behavior, including increased gang-related violence in urban areas [10,11,12,13]. In addition to media frenzy surrounding the wave of violence and addiction seen as stemming from the new form of cocaine, the widely-publicized death of Len Bias, a Boston Celtics draft pick who died following an overdose in his college dormitory solidified the public outcry for action from public officials [14,15,16]. This event, among others, ignited a political response to the growing epidemic which culminated in the enactment of the Anti-Drug Abuse Act (ADAA) of 1986, setting mandatory minimum sentences for illicit drug offenses.
Mandatory minimum sentencing laws for trafficking and possession were not associated with differential changes in drug use for crack as compared to powder cocaine use, as would have been expected if sentencing guidelines drove change in drug use. While there was a statistically significant decline in powder cocaine after the ADAA was fully enforced, this decline did not differ from the decline in prescription drug misuse which was unrelated to mandatory sentencing implementation, and no decline was seen in cocaine base, the primary drug of focus. Our findings suggest that drug use trends shifted alongside, rather than in direct response to, implementation of the ADAA and FSA. In short, the decline in cocaine base and powder cocaine use that occurred in the US during the 1980s cannot be attributed to the ADAA. Similarly, the FSA is not associated with changes in cocaine base use despite relaxing sentencing requirements for cocaine base. These findings do not support the hypothesis that the ADAA had a substantive influence on use of cocaine base and powder cocaine in the community-dwelling population. In total, we find no evidence to support mandatory minimum sentences as a causal explanation for changes in drug use behavior, and in fact, data is inconsistent with this hypothesis.
Figure 1: Use of any drug has not changed in the last yearProportion of adults aged 16 to 59 years and 16 to 24 years reporting use of any drug in the last year and the last month, England and Wales, year ending December 1995 to year ending March 2020 Source: Office for National Statistics - Crime Survey for England and Wales Notes:Any drug comprises powder cocaine, crack cocaine, ecstasy, LSD, magic mushrooms, heroin, methadone, amphetamines, cannabis, tranquillisers, anabolic steroids and any other pills, powders or drugs plus ketamine since year ending March 2007, methamphetamine since year ending March 2009 and mephedrone since year ending March 2011 for use in the last year and year ending March 2015 for use in the last month. Glues are included until year ending March 2010, when this drug type was last measured by the Crime Survey for England and Wales.Questions on drug use in the last month were not asked in the year ending March 2013 and 2014. These questions were reintroduced for the year ending March 2015.Download this chart Figure 1: Use of any drug has not changed in the last yearImage.csv.xls
The trend for Class A drug use among young adults aged 16 to 24 years is similar to the trend in any drug use. There was a large decrease in the proportion who reported use between year ending December 1995 and the year ending March 2013. However, this trend has reversed with recent rises from 4.8% in the year ending March 2013 to 7.4% in the year ending March 2020. This was mainly driven by changes in powder cocaine use among this age group.
Figure 2: Use of any Class A drug has not changed in the last yearProportion of adults aged 16 to 59 years and 16 to 24 years reporting use of any Class A drug in the last year, England and Wales, year ending December 1995 to year ending March 2020 Source: Office for National Statistics - Crime Survey for England and Wales Notes:Any Class A drug comprises powder cocaine, crack cocaine, ecstasy, LSD, magic mushrooms, heroin and methadone plus methamphetamine since year ending March 2009.Download this chart Figure 2: Use of any Class A drug has not changed in the last yearImage.csv.xls
Any drug comprises powder cocaine, crack cocaine, ecstasy, LSD, magic mushrooms, heroin, methadone, amphetamines, methamphetamine, cannabis, ketamine, mephedrone, tranquillisers, anabolic steroids and any other pills, powders or drugs. For more information on CSEW composite drug measure see Annex: Classification of drugs.
Any drug comprises powder cocaine, crack cocaine, ecstasy, LSD, magic mushrooms, heroin, methadone, amphetamines, cannabis, tranquillisers, anabolic steroids and any other pills/powders/drugs plus ketamine since year ending March 2007, methamphetamine since year ending March 2009 and mephedrone since year ending March 2011 for use in the last year and year ending March 2015 for use in the last month. Glues are included until year ending March 2010, when this drug type was last measured by the Crime Survey for England and Wales. 153554b96e